Scaffolding in Kenyan construction sites.

Scaffolding in Kenyan construction sites.

1. How big is the demand for quality metal scaffolding both in Nairobi and the other counties?

Demand is huge. All parts of the country from Nairobi to Kisumu,Nakuru,Mombasa,Meru, Nyeri are having huge multi storey constructions at the moment.

World reknown architects such as Zaha Hadid depend heavily on specialist scaffolding experts to come up with their uniquely shaped buildings. With the onset of new building designs/shapes in Kenya, there will b a need for specialised scaffolding experts to work with contractors to come up with the unique shapes.

2. I live around many apartment complexes, and the ones that are still undergoing construction are using timber for scaffolding. What is the reason for this? Is it the lack of scaffolding suppliers or is the cost of employing such services prohibitive in the current market?

There are no suppliers of metal scaffolding to developers. This forces developers to buy the timber for scaffolding, mainly blue gum poles and grivellia .
There is also no specialised trained labour in the use of metal scaffolding.
Buying timber scaffolding instead of renting results in high Reinforced Concrete works. See breakdown here.

http://www.a4architect.com/2013/11/11/analysis-cost-construction-concrete-slab-kenya-comparison-prefabricated-situ/
http://www.a4architect.com/2013/11/11/analysis-cost-construction-concrete-slab-kenya-comparison-prefabricated-situ/

Currently, there are entrepreneurs renting timber trappers , usually at around half the cost of purchasing them.

Metal scaffolding will be easily reused many times hence reducing the cost of hiring them out to developers.

3. Are there any other local/foreign companies that provide specialized form-work and scaffolding services and if so how receptive has the market been to them?

There are small time timber trappers suppliers. There are no specialised form work suppliers. Large construction companies have to set up separate form work departments . Outsourcing this service to specialised form work suppliers would make more sense and cents to developers.

4. Once I set up up the company, can I used pre owed scaffold beams to begin with or will I be compromising the safety of those using them?

Currently, the local building codes don’t emphasize on the type and strength of scaffolding. This is left to the supervising structural engineer to determine. Local building codes especially in Nairobi and Mombasa insist that a hooding to protect passers-by below should be erected. Also, a material covering that prevents neighbours from the dust is also to be put in place.

The structural/strength element of these fixtures are usually to be determined by the project consulting structural engineer.

5. Are there options available for protecting the company from liability such as insurance?

This would be a new venture in Kenya. Therefore, insurance companies who are pliable and adaptable to change would be more than willing to provide insurance. Just like prefabricated houses whereby few adaptable insurance companies pioneered in offering insurance when prefab houses were still a new concept in Kenya.

Francis Gichuhi Kamau, Architect.
info@a4architect.com

2013 Kenya Real Estate summary. What to expect in 2014.

We are now at the last day of 2013. Several changes took place within the construction and Real Estate world in Kenya during 2013 . 2014 will also follow suit with these changes as Kenya defines itself after 50 years of independence.

1. County government system.

With this new county government system, approval of building plans was rearranged. In Nairobi, the fees chargeable for approval were raised to 1.3% of the estimated cost of construction, valued at kes 30,000 per m2 by the Nairobi County. With this new increase in fees, we hope that the county will improve service delivery and quality in 2014.

2. Introduction of Time Share concept and Real Estate Investment Trusts REITS.

Several developers especially along the coast region have introduced time share concept and fractional ownership concept to the Kenyan real estate.
Others have introduced REITS as a form of investment within the Real estate sector. We expect more and more new players in the time share, fractional ownership and REIT business in 2014.

3. Increased consumption of local building materials.

Mazeras.

Slate stone/Mazeras stone has now become quite common within low, middle and high class constructions. Most local bars and restaurants are now using rough uncut Mazeras for flooring. High cost high rise buildings are now using cut Mazeras for driveways and external wall cladding.
A good example is the SAJ ceramics building along Mombasa road.

Also, the driveway at the upmarket May fair building in Upper Hill, has utilised Mazeras.

Machine cut stone.

Use of machine cut stones from Jua/Thika has grown ten fold. These stones are now being supplied to far flung areas such as Garissa, Meru, Nakuru, Eldoret and Mombasa, all the way from Juja.
A few people are also cutting the stones in Mombasa but they still cant satisfy the high demand.

Cement.
New cement factories have come up, resulting in a fierce cement price competition. This has resulted in stagnation of cement price from leading band names e.g. Bamburi who are still in the kes 700 per bag range for several years. Newer entrants e.g. Savannah cement have reduced the price to between kes 630 and kes 670 per bag.
With the entrance of Dangote cement in this, we can expect the prices to stagnate through out 2014.

4. New architectural design concepts.

Newer buildings coming up in Kenya are now considering the aesthetic attractiveness.

Competition in real estate has slowly increased such that developers can no longer afford to build simple boxes and go ahead to collect rents/sale that simply. They must now invest in great unique architecture so as to remain competitive. This is the case in South Africa where developers sell the art/beauty of the building as opposed to just a house. By next year, the houses/apartments for sale market will be fiercely fought through design. The times when the developers could sell boxes for houses and make huge profits is slowly coming to an end.

In 2014, the returns on investment for developers who will not consider unique design will dwindle.

5. High rise buildings. Apartment living.

In most developed countries, only the super rich can afford to live in own compound type of houses. The houses for sale around the Nairobi suburbs e.g. Kitengela are bungalow and maisonette types. 2013 has seen fewer bungalow and more maisonette types. Bungalow types will become almost extinct as we usher in 2014. Maisonettes will be fewer. There will be more and more apartment buildings. This is due to the fact that land is constant while the population is increasing, creating huge demand for housing with a constant/limited supply of land.

The pioneers of high rise apartment living, 10 floors and above, are along Hurlingham, Kileleshwa ,Pangani,Parklands and Lavington.

As we usher in 2014, lets all embrace these new changes within the Real Estate industry in Kenya since as Charles Darwin put it, change is a very important aspect to enable growth.

It is not the strongest of the species that survives, nor the most intelligent that survives. It is the one that is the most adaptable to change.Charles Darwin.

Francis Gichuhi Kamau, Architect.
info@a4architect.com

New Residential land price trends around Nairobi.

Residential Land around Nairobi has been increasing steadily over the years.
A few years ago, the best value for money was to be found in land in Ngong,Matasia, Kiserian, Rongai ,Kitengela, Athi river, and Syokimau.
Currently, a 1/8th acre of land near tarmac in Syokimau goes for kes 3m.
A 1/8th acre near tarmac in Kitengela goes for 2.5m. Same price for Ngong and Rongai.

Initially, land around Kikuyu, Kiambu,Ruiru,Kinoo was going for higher price than in Rongai/Kitengela areas.
Currently, land in Kiambu/Ndumberi, served by a tarmac road, goes for around 2m kes per 1/8th. This is around 18 km from Nairobi CBD, same distance as Syokimau. This area has more infrastructure but lower land cost currently.

Land around Kikuyu/Ondiri swamp goes for 1.5m kes per 1/8th acre.
http://runda.olx.co.ke/100-by-100-plot-in-kikuyu-ondiri-near-by-pass-price-of-3-m-iid-551944669
This is around 25km from CBD and has already developed infrastructure such as Alliance High School, University of Nairobi Kikuyu campus, Kikuyu eye hospital etc. Same distance, 25km is Kiserian town. It has less infrastructure and land price for a 1/8th in the same distance from the rad is around 1.5m, same with Kikuyu which has tarmac roads and developed infrastructure.

Once developers discover this, developments will begin to move towards Kikuyu/Kiambu/Ruiru areas until land in Rongai/Kitengela/Syokimau area stops the rapid appreciation in price.

Francis Gichuhi Kamau, Architect.
info@a4architect.com

Fractional ownership of property in Kenya.

Fractional ownership of property is whereby a group of like minded investors pool resources to own real estate togehter and agree on how to share the real estate . Sharing can be in terms of share of rental income or share of time period spent on the property.
Most fractional ownerships worldwide share the time spent on the property on a pre agreed contract whereby one can opt to collect rent in lieu of their time at the property.

For example, assuming a hotel with several rooms, each room is shared by 12 people, with each person having rights to use the room for 1 month per year. The 1 month per year right to use the room will be the fractional ownership. The owner can either choose to spend the 1 month in the room or collect the monthly revenue for the particular month when the room is rented out as a hotel suite.

Advantages.

1.Fractional ownership enables people to invest in Real estate withhout the huge initial costs asociated.
2. Fractional ownership enables people to own real estate in several regions eg Nairobi, ombasa, Kisumu, Nakuru at a very low initial capital input. People can then reduce their cost of accomodation when they travel.
3.Fractional ownership removes the complications required to invest in real estate eg hiring contractors, consultants, local authority approval licences etc.
4. This gives very high return on investment compared to other forms of real estate such as apartments for rent.

A4architect.com offers a portal whereby like mindd investors willing to invest in fractional ownership can meet, discuss and join an investment group at their desired location.

Real Estate Investment Forum.

http://www.a4architect.com/discuss/

Francis Gichuhi Kamau, Architect.
info@a4architect.com

Roofing Materials weight per m2

Tile Weight Guides
Tile Weights (Laid Weight – Kg/m²)
Marley Redland
Plain Clay 80 Cambrian Stone 20
Feature 70 Saxon Slate 50
Westwold 100 Richmond Slate 60
Ludlow Plus 50 Stonewall Slate 50
Anglia Plus 50 Delta Slate 60
Double Roman 50 Norfolk Pantile 50
Ludlow Major 50 Regent Tile 50
Mendip 50 Grovebury Double Pantile 50
Modern 50 Bridgewater 50
Wessex 60 50 Double Roman 50
Bold Roll 50 Renown Tile 50
Supalite 30 49 Tile 50
Monarch 20 Downland Plain 50
Plain Tile 80
Rosemary Plain Clay 80
Rosemary Cheslyn Clay 90

Eternit Anchor Roof Tiles
Rivendale 20 Bold Roll 87 40
Eternit 2000 20 Centurian 30
Duracem 20 Senator 40
Country 20 Vanguard 83 30
Shire 20 Viscount 40
Gower 20 Stone Slate 50
Anchorlite Slate 30
Plain Tiles 80

Other DECRA
Natural Welsh Slate 40 Roofing System 10
Metal Cladding System 10 Stratos 10
General Tile Weights
TILE WEIGHT Weight Kg/m²
A.C. or Steel Sheet 10
A.C. Slates 20
Natural Slates 30-40
Interlocking Concrete Tiles 40-60
Plain Clay Tiles 60-80
Concrete Slates 90-100
Cotswold Stone 100

Space saving Stairs.

Stair case area takes around 10m2 off the plinth area of a floor, on both levels, i.e ground plus 1st floor. This is quite huge and has an impact financially to the cost of construction. A 100m2 bungalow has larger rooms than a 100m2 maisonette since some of the 10m2 area in the maisonette goes into accommodating the stair case.

Therefore, stairs that don’t take up much space will in effect also reduce the cost of construction.
Large spacious stairs are luxurious and can be included in luxurious houses.

Francis Gichuhi Kamau, Architect.

Tribute to Mandela. 1918 to 2013. Mandelas Houses. Simplistic design.

Former President Nelson Mandela will forever remain a legend to the world.
His main straighten will be his selfless servitude to the People of South Africa in fighting Apartheid. In the process, he literally stood in the line of fire to ensure his people will live free. He also help create a truce after his release to circumvent Civil war and create a Genesis for the success of the South African Nation as we know it.

Mandela acknowledged his inspiration to fight for South African freedom came from Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and the Mau Mau. Soon after his release from prison in February 11 ,1990, he travelled to Kenya to pay homage to Mzee Kenyattas family and the People of Kenya in the same year, July 1990.

Mandela House, Alexandra.

From his village, Mandela first moved into a one roomed house in Alexandra, a neighbourhood in Johannesburg. The room did not have an en-suite toilet.This was in 1941. He moved out of the house in 1943. He describes the house proudly as his first house as a place that made him very happy to have a home of his own.

The house is made of fired clay brick walls and iron sheet roofing.

During his stay here, he was working as a clerk at a Law firm in Johannesburg.

Notice the house has only used concrete at the top of the door and windows, with no ring beam running round . The house is over 70 years old and still going strong.

Mandela House, Soweto.

This is where Mandelas family lived betwen the 1940s to the 1990s.
Its located in Soweto. Its currently a Museum.
This house was built in 1945 by the Johannesburg city and rented to Mandela in 1946. He moved in with his 1st wife Evelyn Ntoko and divorced her in 1957. In 1958, Wninie Mandela joined him as the 2nd wife. He was arrested and imprisoned in 1962.
Winnie lived here till 1962 when she was exiled to Brandfort. She returned back in 1986.
Mandela returned back to this home in 1990 for 11 days after release from Prison. He then moved to the current house at Houghton.

Notice the creative no ceiling interior roof space and the minimal use of timber roof structure. This makes the room have more interior space at a very low cost.
The roof point near the door is 2.2m high while the roof point at the centre of the room is 3m high.

A man is not a man until he has a house of his own.” – Nelson Mandela, The Long Walk to Freedom

The walls are made of fired clay bricks and the roof is made of iron sheets.

Reinforced concrete is only used as a lintel above the windows and doors as opposed to a ring beam all around the house.

The roof slope is not steep, hence savings on roof costs.

The design allows for minimum construction costs.
From 1962 to 1990, Mandela lived at Robben island as a prisoner.

Mandelas Rural Home, Qunu, Cape Province.

The house is located in the Eastern Cape Province area.

Qunu village still has some buildings that look the same way when Mandela was born there in 1918.

Currently, people around Qunu make mud bricks then fire them to wall their houses.

Qunu House Gate

Notice the use of fired clay walling, a reinforced concrete ring beam round the house and concrete roofing tiles.

Some parts of the fired clay brick external walls are plastered and painted.

The entrance doors and windows are made of glass infill on hardwood frame.
There is a double volume lit with a sky roof at the main entrance lobby.

The bottom part of the wall, next to ground level, is clad with slate stone.

Arches that are made of fired clay bricks without use of einforced concrete can be seen. The roof is made of concrete tiles.

The first floor level walls are plastered while the ground floor level walls are left as natural fired clay brick.

The 1st floor level balconies are recessed.
The balcony railings are made of simple steel bars.

Overal, the design is simplistic, perhaps as a reflection of how Mandela wanted to live his life.2 dominant colours have been used throughout,brick red and hazel nut.

Mandelas City Home, Houghton, Johannesburg.

Entrance to the house.

The house design is simplistic in that only 2 dominant colours have been used, cream and charcoal.

The external boundary wall is well designed to conform to the simplistic design yet intricate.

The deep grooves coloured cream and the wide coping, coloured charcoal, make a pattern with the main house with cream walls and charcoal roof.

The wall grooves are simply made by having a wall cutting across at 90 degrees from the main running wall, creating a shadow effect without too much scream and shout, a true reflection of Mandela.

It has large airy windows that create a bright interior experience.

The roof used here is dark charcoal asphalt shingle tile. This matches well with the plastered cream walls.

The Houghton house is the typical middle/upper class South African design, similar to Kenyas Uchumi Mombasa road, and Dagoretti corner Nakumatt.

Francis Gichuhi Kamau, Architect.

The Nubian Vaults

Psusennes I.1047 – 1001 BC

Psusennes I
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Psusennes I
Pasibkhanut[1]

Gold burial mask of King Psusennes I, discovered in 1940 by Pierre Montet
Pharaoh of Egypt
Reign 1047 – 1001 BCE, 21st Dynasty
Predecessor Amenemnisu
Successor Amenemope
Royal titulary[show]
Consort(s) Mutnodjmet, Wiay
Children Amenemopet, AnkhefenMut, Isitemkheb
Father Pinedjem I
Mother Henuttawy
Died c. 1001 BCE
Burial NRT III, Tanis
Monuments Great Temple of Amun, Tanis (now in ruined fragments)
Psusennes I, or [Greek Ψουσέννης], Pasibkhanu or Hor-Pasebakhaenniut I [Egyptian ḥor-p3-sib3-ḫˁỉ–niwt] was the third king of the Twenty-first dynasty of Egypt who ruled from Tanis (Greek name for Dzann, Biblical Zoan) between 1047 – 1001 BC. Psusennes is the Greek version of his original name Pasebakhaenniut which means “The Star Appearing in the City” while his throne name, Akheperre Setepenamun, translates as “Great are the Manifestations of Ra, chosen of Amun.”[2] He was the son of Pinedjem I and Henuttawy, Rameses XI’s daughter by Tentamun. He married his sister Mutnedjmet.
Contents [hide]
1 Burial
2 Reign
3 References
4 Further reading
5 External links
Burial[edit]

Professor Pierre Montet discovered pharaoh Psusennes I’s intact tomb (No.3 or NRT III) in Tanis in 1940.[3] Unfortunately, due to its moist Lower Egypt location, most of the “perishable” wood objects were destroyed by water — a fate not shared by KV62, the tomb of Tutankhamun in the drier climate of Upper Egypt. However, the king’s magnificent funerary mask was recovered intact; it proved to be made of gold and lapis lazuli and held inlays of black and white glass for the eyes and eyebrows of the object.[4] Psusennes I’s mask is considered to be “one of the masterpieces of the treasure[s] of Tanis” and is currently housed in Room 2 of the Cairo Museum.[5] It has a maximum width and height of 38 cm and 48 cm respectively.[6] The pharaoh’s
“fingers and toes had been encased in gold stalls, and he was buried with gold sandals on his feet. The finger stalls are the most elaborate ever found, with sculpted fingernails. Each finger wore an elaborate ring of gold and lapis lazuli or some other semiprecious stone.”[7]
Psusennes I’s outer and middle sarcophagi had been recycled from previous burials in the Valley of the Kings through the state-sanctioned tomb-robbing that was common practice in the Third Intermediate Period. A cartouche on the red outer sarcophagus shows that it had originally been made for Pharaoh Merenptah, the nineteenth dynasty successor of Ramesses II. Psusennes I, himself, was interred in an “inner silver coffin” which was inlaid with gold.[8] Since “silver was considerably rarer in Egypt than gold,” Psusennes I’s silver “coffin represents a sumptuous burial of great wealth during Egypt’s declining years.”[9]
Dr. Douglass Derry, who worked as the head of Cairo University’s Anatomy Department, examined the king’s remains in 1940, determined that the king was an old man when he died.[10] Derry noted that Psusennes I’s teeth were badly worn and full of cavities and an abscess that left a hole in his palate, and observed that the king suffered from extensive arthritis and was probably crippled by this condition in his final years.[11]

Gold and lapis lazuli collar of Psusennes I, Cairo Museum

Silver anthropoid coffin of Psusennes I, Cairo Museum
Reign[edit]

Psusennes I’s precise reign length is unknown because different copies of Manetho’s records credit him with a reign of either 41 or 46 years. Some Egyptologists have proposed raising the 41 year figure by a decade to 51 years to more closely match certain anonymous Year 48 and Year 49 dates in Upper Egypt. However, the German Egyptologist Karl Jansen-Winkeln has suggested that all these dates should be attributed to the serving High Priest of Amun, Menkheperra instead who is explicitly documented in a Year 48 record.[12] Jansen-Winkeln notes that “in the first half of Dyn. 21, [the] HP Herihor, Pinedjem I and Menkheperra have royal attributes and [royal] titles to differing extents” whereas the first three Tanite kings (Smendes aka: Nesubanebded, Amenemnisu and Psusennes I) are almost never referred to by name in Upper Egypt with the exception of one graffito and rock stela for Smendes.[13] In contrast, the name of Psusennes I’s Dynasty 21 successors such as Amenemope, Osochor, and Siamun appear frequently in various documents from Upper Egypt while the Theban High Priest Pinedjem II who was a contemporary of the latter three kings never adopted any royal attributes or titles in his career.[14]
Hence, two separate Year 49 dates from Thebes and Kom Ombo[15] could be attributed to the ruling High Priest Menkheperra in Thebes instead of Psusennes I but this remains uncertain. Psusennes I’s reign has been estimated at 46 years by the editors of the Handbook to Ancient Egyptian Chronology.[16] Psusennes I must have enjoyed cordial relations with the serving High Priests of Amun in Thebes during his long reign since the High Priest Smendes II donated several grave goods to this king which were found in Psusennes II’s tomb.
During his long reign, Psusennes built the enclosure walls and the central part of the Great Temple at Tanis which was dedicated to the triad of Amun, Mut and Khonsu.[17]
References[edit]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Psusennes_I

Swynnerton Plan. How Land was initially distributed in Kenya.

Swynnerton Plan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Stub icon This Kenya related article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.
The Swynnerton Plan was a colonial agricultural policy that appeared as a government report in 1954 in Kenya, aiming to intensify the development of agricultural practise in the Kenya Colony. The plan was geared to expanding native Kenyan’s cash-crop production through improved markets and infrastructure, the distribution of appropriate inputs, and the gradual consolidation and enclosure of land holdings.[1]
Contents [hide]
1 Overview
2 Impacts on the political economy
3 Stepping stone to Independence
4 Footnotes
5 Bibliography
Overview[edit]

Roger Swynnerton was an official in the Department of Agriculture, and the main objective of the plan was to create family holdings large enough to keep the family self-sufficient in food and also enable them to practise alternate husbandry and thus develop a cash income. It was envisioned that 600,000 African families would have farming units of approximately ten acres a family, which would raise their average productivity in cash sales from £10 to £100 a year after providing for their own needs. In drawing up his plan, Swynnerton assumed twenty years would be needed to implement it.[2]
When the Swynnerton Report was first published, its findings, in complement with the East Africa Royal Commission 1953–1955, was a reversal of previous colonial policies on native agricultural practises. It recommended that all high-quality native land be surveyed and enclosed; that the policy of maintaining ‘traditional’ or tribal systems of land tenure be reversed; and all the thousands of fragmented holdings be consolidated and enclosed. The ‘progressive’ farmers would thereby be able to obtain credit, which had been previously denied them, whilst the new title deeds would create security of tenure which would lead to investment and rural development. Furthermore, it recommended that native African farmers be allowed to grow cash crops, be given a major increase in technical assistance, and have access to all marketing facilities, all of which were previously available and restricted to the white settler minority.[3]
The results were dramatic: the value of recorded output from the small-holdings rose from £5.2 million in 1955 to £14 million in 1964, coffee accounting for 55 percent of the increase.[4]
Moreover, the plan also sought to consolidate scattered landholdings in Central Province so that land ownership could be concentrated in the hands of a few farmers. These individuals would then become transformed into what was envisaged as an ‘African middle class’ that engaged in economic production, while at the same time offering employment to the bulk of those rendered landless by the plan. It was anticipated that the remaining landless peasants would become small-scale rural craftsmen.[5]
Impacts on the political economy[edit]

The plan was implemented during the Mau Mau Uprising, and implementation served the politically expedient needs of the colonial government. These reforms, which were intended to increase the opportunities for Africans in the colonial society and to integrate them more effectively into the changing pattern of the economy, could not contain African politics. Nor could African politicians be ‘pocketed’, because the land and other economic reforms that been introduced, while benefiting indigenous capital interests, fell far short of popular demands. For example, the land consolidation programme had repressive political objectives. In the words of the Special Commissioner for Central Province, ‘Thus land consolidation was to complete the work of the [State of] Emergency: to stabilise a conservative middle class, based on the loyalists; and, as confiscated land was to be thrown into the common land pool during consolidation, it was also to confirm the landlessness of the rebels.’.[2][6]
So the state intensified the spread of cash crops and dairy cattle in the African reserves, on the startling new basis of generalised private, freehold, property. For the Kikuyu, land registration and consolidation during the Emergency was the final, bitter, codification of Kikuyu clan history.[7] By this, the plan amounted to a mental revolution for those at the bottom of Kikuyu society, destroying the ahoi (tenant) option for these landless poor, amounting to around one-third of the tribe’s population. Henceforth, they had no kin, no ancestral land, no marginal marshlands in the reserves to go to; a new Kikuyu society was born—propertied and propertyless—and left to face an uncertain future in face of the politics of independence.[8]
Stepping stone to Independence[edit]

Despite this, the greater lasting benefits of the Swynnerton plan proposals were that they were accepted in full by the Royal Commission, which went further with them, recommending the removal of all racial and political barriers inhibiting the free movement of land, labour, and capital, and the recognition of private interests in land. Although the two recommendations were accepted with some modifications to suit the European farmers, they set the stage for an impending land settlement programme intended to formalise greater African participation in agriculture, the mainstay of Kenya’s economy.[9]
These twin policies of land consolidation and removal of all barriers to the functioning of land market were put into practise by 1960, and enabled a reconciliation between the departing colonial authority and the leaders of an independent Kenya.[3]
Footnotes[edit]

Jump up ^ Swynnerton 1955.
^ Jump up to: a b Ogot 1995.
^ Jump up to: a b Collier & Lal 1986, pp. 44–5.
Jump up ^ Ochieng’ 1995, pp. 83–109.
Jump up ^ Kanogo 1993, p. 164.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 294.
Jump up ^ Berman & Lonsdale 1992, p. 459.
Jump up ^ Atieno-Odhiambo 1995.
Jump up ^ Oucho 2002, pp. 138–40.
Bibliography[edit]

Anderson, David (2005). Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 0-393-05986-3.
Atieno-Odhiambo, Elisha Stephen (1995). “The Formative Years: 1945–55”. In Ogot, Bethwell Alan; Ochieng’, William Robert. Decolonization and Independence in Kenya, 1940–93. Oxford: James Currey. pp. 25–47. ISBN 978-0-821-41051-6.
Berman, Bruce; Lonsdale, John (1992). Unhappy Valley: Conflict in Kenya and Africa; Book Two: Violence & Ethnicity. Oxford: James Currey. ISBN 978-0-852-55099-1.
Collier, Paul; Lal, Deepak (1986). Labour and Poverty in Kenya, 1900–1980. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-198-28505-2.
Kanogo, Tabitha (1993) [1987]. Squatters and the Roots of Mau Mau, 1905–63. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers. ISBN 9966463267.
Ochieng’, William Robert (1995). “Structural & Political Changes”. In Ogot, Bethwell Alan; Ochieng’, William Robert. Decolonization and Independence in Kenya, 1940–93. Oxford: James Currey. pp. 83–109. ISBN 978-0-821-41051-6.
Ogot, Bethwell Alan (1995). “The Decisive Years: 1956–63”. In Ogot, Bethwell Alan; Ochieng’, William Robert. Decolonization and Independence in Kenya, 1940–93. Oxford: James Currey. pp. 48–82. ISBN 978-0-821-41051-6.
Oucho, John O. (2002). Undercurrents of Ethnic Conflict in Kenya. African Social Studies Series 3. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-9-004-12459-2.
Swynnerton, R.J.M. (1955). The Swynnerton Report: A plan to intensify the development of African agriculture in Kenya. Nairobi: Government Printer.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swynnerton_Plan